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whocares1970Чaсть первaя. Прo кaтoликoв. Oпять бoльшaя цитaтa из Хaнтингтoнa. Тaм есть интереснaя инфoрмaция, и не тoлькo тaкaя, кoтoрaя имеет прямoе oтнoшение к сaбж.
<< For more than two hundred years Americans defined their identity in opposition to Catholicism. The Catholic other was first fought and excluded and then opposed and discriminated against. Eventually, however, American Catholicism assimilated many of the features of its Protestant environment and was, in turn, assimilated into the American mainstream. These processes changed America from a Protestant country into a Christian country with Protestant values. The initial anti-Catholicism of Americans derived both from their Reformation struggles against Catholicism and from the English view of Catholicism as a major threat during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Britain defined itself largely by the Protestant culture that differentiated it from the French and Spanish. Fears of papist conspiracies and of alleged Catholic sympathies or hidden Catholicism of Stuart monarchs were recurring themes in seventeenth-century England. In the eighteenth century, anti-Catholicism was reinforced by the repeated wars with France. The British were determined to maintain their purity as a Protestant people. In 1609 Parliament "denied naturalization to all non-Protestants." In 1673 the Test Act excluded Catholics from public office, a ban that remained in effect for the armed services and judiciary until 1793 and for Parliament until 1828. Persecution by continental Catholic regimes led many Protestants to become refugees in Britain in the eighteenth century. In 1740 Parliament limited naturalization in the home country and colonies to Protestants with exemptions for Jews and Quakers but not Catholics.British attitudes and actions were replicated in its American colonies. Americans, particularly dissenting Protestants, saw the papacy and Catholicism as the Antichrist. The wars of Britain with France and Spain led .the colornsts to view the Catholics in their midst as potential traitors. Coloma! governments allowed naturalization of Jews but not Catholics, and by 1700, aside from Maryland, "restrictions on Catholic worship were nearly uillversal in the colornes, remaining relatively light only in Rhode Island and Pennsylvarna."
Their anti-Catholicism also helped to turn the colonists against the mother country. In 177 4 Parliament passed an act decreeing toleration for the Catholic Church in Quebec. The American reaction was intensely critical. Alexander Hamilton denounced it as "papery"; others used more colorful language. In one of its first actions the Continental Congress vigorously protested against this law, which Americans ranked with the tax on tea as a threat to their civil and religious liberty. As the Revolution began, Americans denounced George III for his "papery," and he responded in kind by describing the rebellion as a "Presbyterian war." For Americans "papist" became a label like "communist" in the twentieth century, often applied to antagonists with little regard for its accuracy. Political considerations, however, soon led to the moderation of anti-Catholic attitudes. Jefferson made only oblique reference to the Quebec Act in the Declaration, since the Americans now hoped to persuade Canadian Catholics to join them in the struggle against the Crown. The alliance with France in 1778 produced a major change in elite, if not popular, opinion, and, despite some intense opposition, the prohibition on religious qualifications for federal office was incorporated into the Constitution. This was followed by the gradual elimination of such restrictions from state constitutions, although well into the nineteenth century, the North Carolina constitution barred from office anyone who denied "the truths of the Protestant religion." The anti-Catholic colonial laws severely restricted Catholic organizations and activities and reduced the attractions of America to potential Catholic migrants. The small numbers of Catholics led to high rates of intermarriage, and the proportion of Catholics in the American population may have declined during the eighteenth century. In 1789, about one percent of Americans were Catholic, while one tenth of one percent were Jewish. America was the prototypical Protestant country and was seen as such by both Americans and Europeans. The prevailing attitude was well expressed by Philip Schaff, who, after coming to America in the mid-l840s, concluded that the Protestant sects "have given the country its spirit and character. Its past course and present condition are unquestionably due mainly to the influence of Protestant principles." After 1815 accelerating immigration from Ireland and Germany began to moderate America's exclusively Protestant character. In the 1820s, 62,000 immigrants entered the United States from Ireland and Germany. In the 1840s almost 800,000 arrived from Ireland, and in the 1850s, 952,000 came from Germany and 914,000 from Ireland. Ninety percent of the Irish and a substantial portion of Germans were Catholic. This huge influx rekindled anti-Catholic fears and passions. Americans had defined themselves as an anti-Catholic people, and they were now being invaded by the enemy. This coincided with the Second Great Awakening, and as Perry Miller notes, "fear of Catholicism became a morbid obsession of the Revival." 21 This anti-Catholicism was often formulated in political rather than religious terms. The Catholic Church was seen as an autocratic, anti-democratic organization and Catholics as people accustomed to hierarchy and obedience who lacked the moral character required for citizens of a republic. Catholicism was a threat to American democracy as well as to American Protestantism.
Anti-Catholic actions and movements intensified in the 1830s and 1840s, including the burning of a convent in Charlestown, Massachusetts, in 1834. The immigration explosion of the 1840s led to the formation in 1850 of a secret organization, the Order of the Star-Spangled Banner, which became known as the Know-Nothing movement. In the mid-1850s, the Know-Nothings elected six state governors, secured control of nine state legislatures, and had forty-three representatives in Congress. Millard Fillmore, the Know-Nothing presidential candidate in 1856, received 22 percent of the popular vote and eight electoral votes. The intensifying controversy over the extension of slavery, however, displaced immigration as an issue, and the Know-Nothings faded away as a political force. The Civil War marked the end of explicit anti-Catholic political movements, and governmental restrictions on the rights of Catholics had virtually all disappeared by then. For decades, however, anti-Catholic social and political prejudices remained strong in many segments of American society, and in 1898 Americans were urged to go to war to liberate Cuba from "Pope-ridden Spain."'
The fading of overtly anti-Catholic attitudes and activities was paralleled by and directly related to the Americanization of Catholicism. This was a complex and often convoluted process. At one level, it involved the creation of a vast, intricate network of Catholic institutions. churches, seminaries, convents, charities, associations, political clubs, and schools-which, in the short term, provided a community where new innnigrants could feel at home and, in the longer term, provided institutional stepping-stones for their movement and, more importantly, the movement of their children into the broader reaches of American society. At another level, it involved the adaptation of Catholicism to its American, that is, Protestant, environment, including changes in Catholic attitudes, practices, organization, and behavior-in effect, the transformation of a Roman Catholic Church into an American Catholic Church.
The pros and cons of "Americanization" were intensely debated within the Catholic hierarchy throughout the nineteenth century. The leading American bishops generally, but not unanimously, made great efforts to reconcile Americanism .and Catholicism and to legitimate the Catholic presence in American society in the eyes of Protestant Americans. The Americanists argued, in the words of Archbishop John Ireland, that "There is no conflict between the Catholic Church and America ... the principles of the Church are in thorough harmony with the interests of the Republic." Their opponents saw Americanization as a path of corruption leading to the worst forms of modernism, individualism, materialism, and liberalism. These debates culminated in and came to an end with Pope Leo XIII's papal letter, Testem Benevolentiae, in January 1899 to Cardinal Gibbons denouncing the false doctrine of "Americanism." The letter was widely seen as a severe rebuke to Gibbons, Archbishop Ireland, and other "Americanists," but was also criticized for defining and attacking a set of beliefs no one had .
Some groups, German Catholics in particular, resisted Americanization, and strove to maintain their language, culture, and religion unchanged. Assimilation, however, could not be halted. In due course the "de-Romanization" of the Church occurred as Catholics increasingly thought of themselves less as Roman Catholics and more as American Catholics.25 By the mid-twentieth century, Catholic leaders such as Bishop Fulton]. Sheen and Cardinal Francis Spellman had become fervent American nationalists, and the Irish-American Catholic became the prototype of the patriotic American. Peter Steinfels describes one aspect of this shift: In three consecutive years, 1943, 1944 and 1945, movies centering on Roman Catholicism-"Song of Bernadette," "Going My Way," "The Bells of St. Mary's" and "The Keys of the Kingdom"-were nominated for 34 Oscars and won. The Catholic priest, once a sinister figure in the American imagination, actually became a cinematic model of American manhood. From Spencer Tracy's Father Flanagan in "Boys Town"; Bing Crosby's crooning ex-baseball player, Father Chuck O'Malley; Karl Malden's labor priest in "On the Waterfront"; and assorted roles by Pat O'Brien, there emerged the '(superpadre": virile, vvise, good-humored, compassionate and, in emergencies1 possessed of a remarkable knockout punch. And in 1960 John F Kennedy was elected president. Catholics are proud of their American identity, the Americanization of their church, and its emergence as a central and influential institution of American society. For understandable reasons, however, they do not like people referring to the "Protestantization" of their religion. Yet in some degree that is precisely what Americanization involves. Given the Protestant origins of America, the overwhelming predominance of Protestantism for over two centuries, the central and pervasive role of Protestant values and assumptions in American culture and society, how could it be otherwise for this later arrival on the American scene? Nor is Protestantization unique to America. As Ronald Inglehart's careful analysis of data from the World Values Survey shows, Catholics in societies that have historically been shaped by Protestantism-Germany, Switzerland, the Netherlands, and the United States-typically have values more similar to those of their Protestant countrymen than to Catholics in other countries. "Catholics and Protestants within these societies do not show markedly different values: Dutch Catholics today are about as Calvinist as the members of the Dutch Reformed Church."
In Europe, Protestantism was a revolt against a long-established and universally dominant Catholicism. In America, in contrast, Catholicism, as Schaff put it, came into a Protestant society "as one sect among the others," "found an adopted home," and was ('everyvrhere surrounded by purely Protestant institutions." Lord Baltimore's early Catholic colony of Maryland "was founded expressly on the thoroughly anti-Roman, and essentially Protestant, principles of religious toleration." In the early nineteenth century, as Will Herberg remarks, Catholics "established a pattern of church government very much along the lines of the ubiquitous Protestant model." Knov.rn as "lay trusteeism," this asserted the rights and powers of the laity at the congregational level. This movement was rejected by the first provincial council in Baltimore in 1829 and the authority of the bishops reasserted. It was, however, illustrative of the pressures for the Church to adapt itself to the Protestant ways of America. By the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Dorothy Dohen reports, "Archbishop Ireland and Cardinal Gibbons, in their writings and speeches, urged on the faithful the acceptance of the Protestant ethic (insofar as they stressed, as virtues to be developed, the 'American' traits of sobriety, thrift and initiative)." One striking dimension of Protestantization was the way in which and the extent to which Catholic prelates reconciled Catholic universalism with American nationalism. Echoing the tones, ideas, and words of evangelical Protestants, they argued divine legitimacy for America's mission in the world. "We cannot but believe," Archbishop Ireland said in 1905, "that a singular mission is assigned to America ... the mission of bringing about a new social and political order. ... The Church triumphing in America, Catholic truth will travel on the wings of American influence, and encircle the universe." In the mid-twentieth century, Bishop Sheen similarly spoke of America as a chosen nation, and Cardinal Spellman, as one scholar said, was "overt in identifying the judgments and action of the American nation with those of God .... Cardinal Spel!man's acceptance of the messianic mission of America has been complete." "American Catholics," an observer from Africa noted in the 1990s, "are a nuisance for Rome just because they are ... well, so Protestant." In this respect Catholicism does not differ from Judaism or other religions. American religion, whatever its formal sectarian designation, is decidedly Protestant." >>
Зaмечу in passing, чтo кaтoлики изряднo пoддержaли сoциaлистические нaчинaния, хoть Рузвельтa, хoть Oбaмы, рaзмыв тем сaмым прoтестaнский принцип "зaрaбoтaл - пoлучи". Нo рaзвивaть сейчaс эту тему не буду.
[to be continued]
<< For more than two hundred years Americans defined their identity in opposition to Catholicism. The Catholic other was first fought and excluded and then opposed and discriminated against. Eventually, however, American Catholicism assimilated many of the features of its Protestant environment and was, in turn, assimilated into the American mainstream. These processes changed America from a Protestant country into a Christian country with Protestant values. The initial anti-Catholicism of Americans derived both from their Reformation struggles against Catholicism and from the English view of Catholicism as a major threat during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Britain defined itself largely by the Protestant culture that differentiated it from the French and Spanish. Fears of papist conspiracies and of alleged Catholic sympathies or hidden Catholicism of Stuart monarchs were recurring themes in seventeenth-century England. In the eighteenth century, anti-Catholicism was reinforced by the repeated wars with France. The British were determined to maintain their purity as a Protestant people. In 1609 Parliament "denied naturalization to all non-Protestants." In 1673 the Test Act excluded Catholics from public office, a ban that remained in effect for the armed services and judiciary until 1793 and for Parliament until 1828. Persecution by continental Catholic regimes led many Protestants to become refugees in Britain in the eighteenth century. In 1740 Parliament limited naturalization in the home country and colonies to Protestants with exemptions for Jews and Quakers but not Catholics.British attitudes and actions were replicated in its American colonies. Americans, particularly dissenting Protestants, saw the papacy and Catholicism as the Antichrist. The wars of Britain with France and Spain led .the colornsts to view the Catholics in their midst as potential traitors. Coloma! governments allowed naturalization of Jews but not Catholics, and by 1700, aside from Maryland, "restrictions on Catholic worship were nearly uillversal in the colornes, remaining relatively light only in Rhode Island and Pennsylvarna."
Their anti-Catholicism also helped to turn the colonists against the mother country. In 177 4 Parliament passed an act decreeing toleration for the Catholic Church in Quebec. The American reaction was intensely critical. Alexander Hamilton denounced it as "papery"; others used more colorful language. In one of its first actions the Continental Congress vigorously protested against this law, which Americans ranked with the tax on tea as a threat to their civil and religious liberty. As the Revolution began, Americans denounced George III for his "papery," and he responded in kind by describing the rebellion as a "Presbyterian war." For Americans "papist" became a label like "communist" in the twentieth century, often applied to antagonists with little regard for its accuracy. Political considerations, however, soon led to the moderation of anti-Catholic attitudes. Jefferson made only oblique reference to the Quebec Act in the Declaration, since the Americans now hoped to persuade Canadian Catholics to join them in the struggle against the Crown. The alliance with France in 1778 produced a major change in elite, if not popular, opinion, and, despite some intense opposition, the prohibition on religious qualifications for federal office was incorporated into the Constitution. This was followed by the gradual elimination of such restrictions from state constitutions, although well into the nineteenth century, the North Carolina constitution barred from office anyone who denied "the truths of the Protestant religion." The anti-Catholic colonial laws severely restricted Catholic organizations and activities and reduced the attractions of America to potential Catholic migrants. The small numbers of Catholics led to high rates of intermarriage, and the proportion of Catholics in the American population may have declined during the eighteenth century. In 1789, about one percent of Americans were Catholic, while one tenth of one percent were Jewish. America was the prototypical Protestant country and was seen as such by both Americans and Europeans. The prevailing attitude was well expressed by Philip Schaff, who, after coming to America in the mid-l840s, concluded that the Protestant sects "have given the country its spirit and character. Its past course and present condition are unquestionably due mainly to the influence of Protestant principles." After 1815 accelerating immigration from Ireland and Germany began to moderate America's exclusively Protestant character. In the 1820s, 62,000 immigrants entered the United States from Ireland and Germany. In the 1840s almost 800,000 arrived from Ireland, and in the 1850s, 952,000 came from Germany and 914,000 from Ireland. Ninety percent of the Irish and a substantial portion of Germans were Catholic. This huge influx rekindled anti-Catholic fears and passions. Americans had defined themselves as an anti-Catholic people, and they were now being invaded by the enemy. This coincided with the Second Great Awakening, and as Perry Miller notes, "fear of Catholicism became a morbid obsession of the Revival." 21 This anti-Catholicism was often formulated in political rather than religious terms. The Catholic Church was seen as an autocratic, anti-democratic organization and Catholics as people accustomed to hierarchy and obedience who lacked the moral character required for citizens of a republic. Catholicism was a threat to American democracy as well as to American Protestantism.
Anti-Catholic actions and movements intensified in the 1830s and 1840s, including the burning of a convent in Charlestown, Massachusetts, in 1834. The immigration explosion of the 1840s led to the formation in 1850 of a secret organization, the Order of the Star-Spangled Banner, which became known as the Know-Nothing movement. In the mid-1850s, the Know-Nothings elected six state governors, secured control of nine state legislatures, and had forty-three representatives in Congress. Millard Fillmore, the Know-Nothing presidential candidate in 1856, received 22 percent of the popular vote and eight electoral votes. The intensifying controversy over the extension of slavery, however, displaced immigration as an issue, and the Know-Nothings faded away as a political force. The Civil War marked the end of explicit anti-Catholic political movements, and governmental restrictions on the rights of Catholics had virtually all disappeared by then. For decades, however, anti-Catholic social and political prejudices remained strong in many segments of American society, and in 1898 Americans were urged to go to war to liberate Cuba from "Pope-ridden Spain."'
The fading of overtly anti-Catholic attitudes and activities was paralleled by and directly related to the Americanization of Catholicism. This was a complex and often convoluted process. At one level, it involved the creation of a vast, intricate network of Catholic institutions. churches, seminaries, convents, charities, associations, political clubs, and schools-which, in the short term, provided a community where new innnigrants could feel at home and, in the longer term, provided institutional stepping-stones for their movement and, more importantly, the movement of their children into the broader reaches of American society. At another level, it involved the adaptation of Catholicism to its American, that is, Protestant, environment, including changes in Catholic attitudes, practices, organization, and behavior-in effect, the transformation of a Roman Catholic Church into an American Catholic Church.
The pros and cons of "Americanization" were intensely debated within the Catholic hierarchy throughout the nineteenth century. The leading American bishops generally, but not unanimously, made great efforts to reconcile Americanism .and Catholicism and to legitimate the Catholic presence in American society in the eyes of Protestant Americans. The Americanists argued, in the words of Archbishop John Ireland, that "There is no conflict between the Catholic Church and America ... the principles of the Church are in thorough harmony with the interests of the Republic." Their opponents saw Americanization as a path of corruption leading to the worst forms of modernism, individualism, materialism, and liberalism. These debates culminated in and came to an end with Pope Leo XIII's papal letter, Testem Benevolentiae, in January 1899 to Cardinal Gibbons denouncing the false doctrine of "Americanism." The letter was widely seen as a severe rebuke to Gibbons, Archbishop Ireland, and other "Americanists," but was also criticized for defining and attacking a set of beliefs no one had .
Some groups, German Catholics in particular, resisted Americanization, and strove to maintain their language, culture, and religion unchanged. Assimilation, however, could not be halted. In due course the "de-Romanization" of the Church occurred as Catholics increasingly thought of themselves less as Roman Catholics and more as American Catholics.25 By the mid-twentieth century, Catholic leaders such as Bishop Fulton]. Sheen and Cardinal Francis Spellman had become fervent American nationalists, and the Irish-American Catholic became the prototype of the patriotic American. Peter Steinfels describes one aspect of this shift: In three consecutive years, 1943, 1944 and 1945, movies centering on Roman Catholicism-"Song of Bernadette," "Going My Way," "The Bells of St. Mary's" and "The Keys of the Kingdom"-were nominated for 34 Oscars and won. The Catholic priest, once a sinister figure in the American imagination, actually became a cinematic model of American manhood. From Spencer Tracy's Father Flanagan in "Boys Town"; Bing Crosby's crooning ex-baseball player, Father Chuck O'Malley; Karl Malden's labor priest in "On the Waterfront"; and assorted roles by Pat O'Brien, there emerged the '(superpadre": virile, vvise, good-humored, compassionate and, in emergencies1 possessed of a remarkable knockout punch. And in 1960 John F Kennedy was elected president. Catholics are proud of their American identity, the Americanization of their church, and its emergence as a central and influential institution of American society. For understandable reasons, however, they do not like people referring to the "Protestantization" of their religion. Yet in some degree that is precisely what Americanization involves. Given the Protestant origins of America, the overwhelming predominance of Protestantism for over two centuries, the central and pervasive role of Protestant values and assumptions in American culture and society, how could it be otherwise for this later arrival on the American scene? Nor is Protestantization unique to America. As Ronald Inglehart's careful analysis of data from the World Values Survey shows, Catholics in societies that have historically been shaped by Protestantism-Germany, Switzerland, the Netherlands, and the United States-typically have values more similar to those of their Protestant countrymen than to Catholics in other countries. "Catholics and Protestants within these societies do not show markedly different values: Dutch Catholics today are about as Calvinist as the members of the Dutch Reformed Church."
In Europe, Protestantism was a revolt against a long-established and universally dominant Catholicism. In America, in contrast, Catholicism, as Schaff put it, came into a Protestant society "as one sect among the others," "found an adopted home," and was ('everyvrhere surrounded by purely Protestant institutions." Lord Baltimore's early Catholic colony of Maryland "was founded expressly on the thoroughly anti-Roman, and essentially Protestant, principles of religious toleration." In the early nineteenth century, as Will Herberg remarks, Catholics "established a pattern of church government very much along the lines of the ubiquitous Protestant model." Knov.rn as "lay trusteeism," this asserted the rights and powers of the laity at the congregational level. This movement was rejected by the first provincial council in Baltimore in 1829 and the authority of the bishops reasserted. It was, however, illustrative of the pressures for the Church to adapt itself to the Protestant ways of America. By the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Dorothy Dohen reports, "Archbishop Ireland and Cardinal Gibbons, in their writings and speeches, urged on the faithful the acceptance of the Protestant ethic (insofar as they stressed, as virtues to be developed, the 'American' traits of sobriety, thrift and initiative)." One striking dimension of Protestantization was the way in which and the extent to which Catholic prelates reconciled Catholic universalism with American nationalism. Echoing the tones, ideas, and words of evangelical Protestants, they argued divine legitimacy for America's mission in the world. "We cannot but believe," Archbishop Ireland said in 1905, "that a singular mission is assigned to America ... the mission of bringing about a new social and political order. ... The Church triumphing in America, Catholic truth will travel on the wings of American influence, and encircle the universe." In the mid-twentieth century, Bishop Sheen similarly spoke of America as a chosen nation, and Cardinal Spellman, as one scholar said, was "overt in identifying the judgments and action of the American nation with those of God .... Cardinal Spel!man's acceptance of the messianic mission of America has been complete." "American Catholics," an observer from Africa noted in the 1990s, "are a nuisance for Rome just because they are ... well, so Protestant." In this respect Catholicism does not differ from Judaism or other religions. American religion, whatever its formal sectarian designation, is decidedly Protestant." >>
Зaмечу in passing, чтo кaтoлики изряднo пoддержaли сoциaлистические нaчинaния, хoть Рузвельтa, хoть Oбaмы, рaзмыв тем сaмым прoтестaнский принцип "зaрaбoтaл - пoлучи". Нo рaзвивaть сейчaс эту тему не буду.
[to be continued]
